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The Syntax of Likpakpaanl Elliptical Constructions

Dr. ACHEAMPONG, SAMUEL OWOAHENE
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soacheampong@uew.edu.gh
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Authors
Acheampong, S. O.
Publication Year
2024
Book Title
The Syntax of Likpakpaanl Elliptical Constructions
Place
Frankfurt
Publisher
Goethe University Frankfurt am Main
Abstract

This study investigates Modal Complement Ellipsis (MCE), Sluicing, and Fragment answers in Likpakpaanl, a Mabia language spoken in the Northern, Oti, and North-East regions of Ghana. I propose a movement plus deletion approach for the ellipsis in Likpakpaanl. I argue that deleted constituents under ellipsis possess the same underlying syntactic structure as their non-elided counterparts. I also adopt a Minimalist approach to account for the derivation of these ellipsis constructions. The study shows that only root modals ŋmàà 'can’ and bàn 'want' can license MCE. The E-feature is merged on the head of the modal phrase (ModP) and 'deletes' its vP (in the case of ŋmàà or a TP complement ( when the Mod-head is bàn). I propose a unified account for sluicing and fragment answers. I show that both elliptical phenomena target the FocP for deletion, not a tense phrase (TP) as in English or Dutch. The evidence for this is that the focus particle that is present in non-elliptical sluicing and fragment constructions must be elided under ellipsis in conformity with Merchant's (2001) Sluicing-Comp Generalisation, which proposes that in sluicing, for instance, on the wh-phrase may escape the ellipsis site and not the non-operator like a focus particle. Drawing on Merchant's (2001) assumption that ellipsis phenomena are licensed by an ellipsis (E)-feature, hosted on a single syntactic element, I propose that Likpakpaanl sluicing and fragments are licensed by an E-feature merged on a Licensing Phrase (LP) above FocP. Fragments and sluicing are derived via an Agree relationship between the wh-sluice or fragment element in the vP periphery and a Foc0 with an interpretable but unvalued focus feature. After feature valuation, the EPP feature on FocP extracts the constituent to Spec-FocP. Once the LP bearing the E-feature and an EPP feature merge in the derivation, it moves the wh-phrase or fragment element to Spec-LP, with the E-feature licensing the deletion of the complement FocP. Evidence from island effects (Complex Noun Phrase, Coordinate Structure, Adjunct), binding effects, and the inability of wh-phrases like kinyé 'how' and bàŋà 'why,' which cannot undergo ex-situ movement, to license sluicing, were used to support the claim for a movement approach to the derivation of MCE, Sluicing and Fragment answers in Likpakpaanl.

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